If we were to put this round of elections into sporting terms, ‘the World Cup final’ springs to mind. The anticipation and hype built towards it mirror that of a Spain v Brazil match: be it the intensity, controversy surrounding it or the anxiety. The only aspect lacking in the latter is the spectators determining the outcome. Football enthusiasts, at their very best, can only pull off Mexican waves, put on their national jerseys and blow the vuvuzela. Malaysians, at their very least, only need to show up at a secondary school come polling day, cast their ballots and see if Prime Minister-designate Mr Anwar Ibrahim could dethrone the incumbent cum rival Mr Najib Razak.
Rivalry could be an understatement. The two heavyweights go far beyond a typical football rivalry. They both spearhead coalitions boasting memberships of millions. Their followers, aplenty. Be it on the ground or the realm of social media, both receive the most verbal or social media mentions in the country every day. In terms of the latter, Facebook and Twitter are increasingly utilized as their tools to connect with urbanites and young ones. Subscription to their timelines and whatnot comes in hundreds of thousands, if not millions, effortlessly escalating local celebrities or the likes of Lee Chong Wei and Nicol David.
Figures aside, the aura of invincibility which both commands in their respective coalitions represents their political longevity. One was appointed Chief Minister of Pahang at the age of 29, cabinet minister at 32 and never looked back since. He is now the face of our country, with images and portrays on every other lamppost or billboard. Some would dismiss such successes as owing to hereditary roots, but one would rarely make it this far in politics without individual brilliances. He emerged from his father’s shadows from a very young age and went on to create a distinct identity, and potentially a lasting legacy for himself. He would later on introduce the New Economic Model and a host of transformation programmes, modeled to replace his father’s New Economic Policy. On the surface they are already bold moves, and running contrary to hereditary roots would only add further points. However, these are instantly negated by his spouse, an extravagant modern day socialite. Synonymous to Birkin handbags and diamonds, she represents a new bred of Malaysians who manage their savings well.
The other, would not be deterred by his humbling background. Despite not having political ties, he carved and grinded his way towards the deputy prime ministerial office through sheer charisma, grit and character. Earlier on in 1983, the founding leader of Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia had only joined UMNO for a year and already assuming a ministerial portfolio. After 3 subsequent portfolio changes, which include the Education and Finance Ministry, it speak tremendously of his diverse knowledge and credentials, and certainly enough to make him a PM-designate. Sodomy allegations leveled against him later on backfired, propelling the formation of a new movement: ‘Reformasi’. It brought activists and intellects together, with the movement remaining steadfast after a decade and a half. Reformation calls haven’t been louder, and to them, it is now or never.
Both remain near-to-invulnerable leaders within their parties despite one with a murder allegation and the other, allegations of sex, sex and sex. Neither are they facing internal dissent or sabotages, much to the contrary of Najib’s predecessor. This paved the way for both to totally commit and focus in preparing for what is billed the tightest election in Malaysian history.
Such contrasting backgrounds, yet such similar successes. The different paths they took eventually pitched them back into the political battle arena.
The only thing eluding Malaysians in the run up to this battle is a debate between both. Najib acknowledges very well that the other, with his charismatic speeches and pragmatic approaches, is undefeatable on any given day. You can call it evasive, but this is part and parcel of politics. One would not play to their opponent’s strengths, or rather, an intelligent politician wouldn’t.
Anwar said this would be his last run for the podium, and by podium, he meant the gold, for there is only one winner in politics. His counterpart isn’t too bothered if it was his last run. A defeat for him here would be unprecedented and historical. To be toppled after 55 years is a bitter pill to swallow, and the repercussions are so much more than the reluctant shift towards the opposition bench. The opponent had promised the revelation and investigation of grafts, leakages or any mismanagement and subsequently the prosecution of the corrupted once they helm the throne. The likes of Taib Mahmud and Musa Aman would no longer be able to add to their coffers, and their appearances in court are guaranteed.
The stakes are high, and a hefty reward awaits the winner: “Prime Ministerial-ship”, a prized title begging to be assumed. Najib and Anwar, one would jubilate in his victory speech, and the other, a curtain call. Let the slugfest begin.
Saturday, November 17, 2012
Thursday, February 2, 2012
The Chinese Dilemma
Demographics of Malaysia:
Malay 50.4%, Chinese 23.7%, indigenous 11%, Indian 7.1%, others 7.8% (2004 est.)
The ongoing phenomena of shrinking Chinese population is not without its historic backings. When the country achieved independence in 1957, ethnic Chinese form 45% of the Malaysian population. By 1990, it dropped to 31%. Up until today, not only the population had been halved, many others are actively seeking for greener pastures abroad. It was also estimated that by 2035, Chinese will only form 18% of the population.
Racial Demographics, is a pivotal aspect in shaping this country. The rise and fall of ethnic populations are closely monitored by politicians, governmental agencies and especially the ultras. In Malaysia, demographics determine public policies, the race of an elected representative, governmental positions, Cabinet distributions etc. Historically, demographics had been used through out the world, to create political hegemonies for the majority, with the exception of countries like France which prohibits census to distinguish races or beliefs. It is common that when a race commands an insignificant percentage of the population, they will be, in stages, slowly absorbed and ultimately assimilated into the country.
What makes Malaysia a dynamic country, is not only that we have various ethnic groups 'co-existing' under one shelter, we are also religiously divided. Given the magnitude and sensitivity of religion, it had unfortunately turned out to be a room for exploitation by rightists and opportunists. From Cow heads, to Pig heads, to banning of Bibles, to torching of churches and mosques, you name it, we've got it. What is overwhelmingly surprising, is that these occured within the recent span of 4 years.
Religion aside, we have emerging ultra-right organisations like Perkasa and Perkida. The Malay supremacy rhetoric could be heard on a frequent basis. On another hand, we have Dong-Zhong and Chinese Chamber of Commerce representing the Chinese. And not forgetting Hindraf, the household name and front-bearer of the Indians. These influential pressure groups are only interested in advancing interest of their respective races, and what is more worrying is that their rhetoric is music to the ears of its communities.
On the political front, needless should I mention who UMNO, MCA and MIC represents as their abbreviations speak for themselves. It would indeed be prejudicial if I am not to label DAP (minus the recent recruitment of a FEW malays) as a predominantly Chinese party, and PAS as a Islamic-Malay party.
Politics aside, but on the ground level, Malaysians remain divided. Gone are the days where our grandfathers would see through colours and socialize freely with people of different culture and beliefs. The crux and root of the problem is that a vast number of children are being groomed to bear grudges or hatred towards another race. As a matter of fact, much of a children's values and beliefs had been planted during the first few years of his life. When his upbringing nurtured him to scream 'china-kui' or 'babi' across town, these children are helpless against such awkward social conditioning and inevitably grow accustomed to generalisation and racism.
Rare occasions such as a Harimau Malaya game against regional rivals or an Olympic finals featuring Lee Chong Wei would we witness Malaysians cling shoulder to shoulder. Racial unity and integration remain far-fetched and 1Malaysia is nothing but a dream.
Who should then shoulder the blame?
Everyone. But as a Chinese, I would like to pinpoint the Chinese.
Malaysian Chinese are known for promoting and protecting their culture, education, language and most importantly, their economy fearlessly. 54 years since Independence, the Chinese had nurtured generations after generations of children who only speak Chinese, attend vernacular schools and socialize among their race. To be frank, how many Chinese from vernacular schools out there can structure or speak a sentence in Malay without much hesitance. How many Chinese from vernacular schools have more than 10 Malay friends on their Facebook friends list. How many Chinese from vernacular schools would actually find it more comfortable to be surrounded by Malays instead of Chinese. I am no hypocrite as I too admit that I failed the above questions.
Malaysian Chinese are also known to be a staunch opposition of affirmative action in the form of NEP and also special rights accorded to the Malays. Little do they know what was agreed upon by the Malays and Chinese at the point of Independence, which was subsequently enshrined in the constitution:
Article 152 gave non-Malays rights to establish vernacular schools as well as maintaining their identity in terms of language.
Article 153 safeguards the special position of the Bumiputeras in public service positions, scholarships, business licences and also tertiary education.
I do admit that both provisions serve as hindrance and major obstacles towards the achievement of racial unity in its most genuine form. In relation to affirmative actions, racial quotas in Malaysia had been widely abused and is seen as a tool to enrich the rich. It had largely deviated from its original spirit of alleviating the lives of the Malays as well as to bridge the income inequality gap. If 40 years of affirmative actions and crutches left little to no impact on the society, the question of its effectiveness and relevance arises. It is either that the system is restructured, or abolished altogether.
But isnt it overly-excessive if the Chinese demands for the dropping of affirmative actions but at the same time defending the status quo of vernacular schools, in which both are enshrined in the constitution respectively.
As a product of a vernacular school, I acknowledge the bearing of Chinese education and language in the hearts of the Chinese. But if we were to ask for the scrapping of affirmative actions so that we would be treated equally as Malaysians, are we ready to sacrifice our identity and be truly integrated into this country. Are we ready to learn how to empathise and put ourselves in the shoes of other races, and make concessions which would eventually put us in a better position socially.
I am also aware that Chinese give utmost priority to their financial status and are often very short-sighted when it comes to national policies and issues. As a matter of fact, going back to racial demographics, assimilation of the shrinking Chinese population is IMMINENT within the next few decades. Ultras and rightists of the majority would use demographics as a trump-card to push the minorities to the corner. It is a matter of time when Chinese has less standing and would be squeezed socially and politically to no-man's land. Historical reference could be drawn from Chinese at Thailand, Indonesia, Philippines and practically all parts of the world. Therefore, it is either that we are held at gunpoint to assimilate or we actively take steps now to achieve racial integration.
We should also take pointers from our tiny neighbours, Singapore. Back then, Lee Kwan Yew acknowledged the fact pattern and chose to scrap vernacular schools. This spurred the rapid rise of English and ultimately evolved into its lingua franca. Much remained to be seen if Malaysians would do the same, years after English evaporated as the medium. It would certainly need very persistent lobbyist and courageous leaders to make strides from this path, but nonetheless, this serve as a very viable option. Chinese and Tamil classes could still be conducted in these national schools, and would then be optional modules for students.
Not only vernacular schools and racial-based policies, but in general, Malaysia needs a sea-change and a complete change of mindset. The hate and race mentality have to go if Malaysians are genuine to achieve racial integration. Households must groom kids who see through colours and treat everyone as equals. In fact, if we cant achieve it with the current generation, do it with the next. As the fortunate ones, pass the word to the illiterate and inaccessible ones.
Malaysians talk about 'change', and it have been the 'IN'-word since the last elections. But have we actually ponder that 'change' is not reflected solely through the casting of ballots or the government of the day. It is about a wholesome and structural change of the entire society. It is about the breaking down of racial and religious barriers, as well as political divides. It is after all, all about RACIAL UNITY.
Malay 50.4%, Chinese 23.7%, indigenous 11%, Indian 7.1%, others 7.8% (2004 est.)
The ongoing phenomena of shrinking Chinese population is not without its historic backings. When the country achieved independence in 1957, ethnic Chinese form 45% of the Malaysian population. By 1990, it dropped to 31%. Up until today, not only the population had been halved, many others are actively seeking for greener pastures abroad. It was also estimated that by 2035, Chinese will only form 18% of the population.
Racial Demographics, is a pivotal aspect in shaping this country. The rise and fall of ethnic populations are closely monitored by politicians, governmental agencies and especially the ultras. In Malaysia, demographics determine public policies, the race of an elected representative, governmental positions, Cabinet distributions etc. Historically, demographics had been used through out the world, to create political hegemonies for the majority, with the exception of countries like France which prohibits census to distinguish races or beliefs. It is common that when a race commands an insignificant percentage of the population, they will be, in stages, slowly absorbed and ultimately assimilated into the country.
What makes Malaysia a dynamic country, is not only that we have various ethnic groups 'co-existing' under one shelter, we are also religiously divided. Given the magnitude and sensitivity of religion, it had unfortunately turned out to be a room for exploitation by rightists and opportunists. From Cow heads, to Pig heads, to banning of Bibles, to torching of churches and mosques, you name it, we've got it. What is overwhelmingly surprising, is that these occured within the recent span of 4 years.
Religion aside, we have emerging ultra-right organisations like Perkasa and Perkida. The Malay supremacy rhetoric could be heard on a frequent basis. On another hand, we have Dong-Zhong and Chinese Chamber of Commerce representing the Chinese. And not forgetting Hindraf, the household name and front-bearer of the Indians. These influential pressure groups are only interested in advancing interest of their respective races, and what is more worrying is that their rhetoric is music to the ears of its communities.
On the political front, needless should I mention who UMNO, MCA and MIC represents as their abbreviations speak for themselves. It would indeed be prejudicial if I am not to label DAP (minus the recent recruitment of a FEW malays) as a predominantly Chinese party, and PAS as a Islamic-Malay party.
Politics aside, but on the ground level, Malaysians remain divided. Gone are the days where our grandfathers would see through colours and socialize freely with people of different culture and beliefs. The crux and root of the problem is that a vast number of children are being groomed to bear grudges or hatred towards another race. As a matter of fact, much of a children's values and beliefs had been planted during the first few years of his life. When his upbringing nurtured him to scream 'china-kui' or 'babi' across town, these children are helpless against such awkward social conditioning and inevitably grow accustomed to generalisation and racism.
Rare occasions such as a Harimau Malaya game against regional rivals or an Olympic finals featuring Lee Chong Wei would we witness Malaysians cling shoulder to shoulder. Racial unity and integration remain far-fetched and 1Malaysia is nothing but a dream.
Who should then shoulder the blame?
Everyone. But as a Chinese, I would like to pinpoint the Chinese.
Malaysian Chinese are known for promoting and protecting their culture, education, language and most importantly, their economy fearlessly. 54 years since Independence, the Chinese had nurtured generations after generations of children who only speak Chinese, attend vernacular schools and socialize among their race. To be frank, how many Chinese from vernacular schools out there can structure or speak a sentence in Malay without much hesitance. How many Chinese from vernacular schools have more than 10 Malay friends on their Facebook friends list. How many Chinese from vernacular schools would actually find it more comfortable to be surrounded by Malays instead of Chinese. I am no hypocrite as I too admit that I failed the above questions.
Malaysian Chinese are also known to be a staunch opposition of affirmative action in the form of NEP and also special rights accorded to the Malays. Little do they know what was agreed upon by the Malays and Chinese at the point of Independence, which was subsequently enshrined in the constitution:
Article 152 gave non-Malays rights to establish vernacular schools as well as maintaining their identity in terms of language.
Article 153 safeguards the special position of the Bumiputeras in public service positions, scholarships, business licences and also tertiary education.
I do admit that both provisions serve as hindrance and major obstacles towards the achievement of racial unity in its most genuine form. In relation to affirmative actions, racial quotas in Malaysia had been widely abused and is seen as a tool to enrich the rich. It had largely deviated from its original spirit of alleviating the lives of the Malays as well as to bridge the income inequality gap. If 40 years of affirmative actions and crutches left little to no impact on the society, the question of its effectiveness and relevance arises. It is either that the system is restructured, or abolished altogether.
But isnt it overly-excessive if the Chinese demands for the dropping of affirmative actions but at the same time defending the status quo of vernacular schools, in which both are enshrined in the constitution respectively.
As a product of a vernacular school, I acknowledge the bearing of Chinese education and language in the hearts of the Chinese. But if we were to ask for the scrapping of affirmative actions so that we would be treated equally as Malaysians, are we ready to sacrifice our identity and be truly integrated into this country. Are we ready to learn how to empathise and put ourselves in the shoes of other races, and make concessions which would eventually put us in a better position socially.
I am also aware that Chinese give utmost priority to their financial status and are often very short-sighted when it comes to national policies and issues. As a matter of fact, going back to racial demographics, assimilation of the shrinking Chinese population is IMMINENT within the next few decades. Ultras and rightists of the majority would use demographics as a trump-card to push the minorities to the corner. It is a matter of time when Chinese has less standing and would be squeezed socially and politically to no-man's land. Historical reference could be drawn from Chinese at Thailand, Indonesia, Philippines and practically all parts of the world. Therefore, it is either that we are held at gunpoint to assimilate or we actively take steps now to achieve racial integration.
We should also take pointers from our tiny neighbours, Singapore. Back then, Lee Kwan Yew acknowledged the fact pattern and chose to scrap vernacular schools. This spurred the rapid rise of English and ultimately evolved into its lingua franca. Much remained to be seen if Malaysians would do the same, years after English evaporated as the medium. It would certainly need very persistent lobbyist and courageous leaders to make strides from this path, but nonetheless, this serve as a very viable option. Chinese and Tamil classes could still be conducted in these national schools, and would then be optional modules for students.
Not only vernacular schools and racial-based policies, but in general, Malaysia needs a sea-change and a complete change of mindset. The hate and race mentality have to go if Malaysians are genuine to achieve racial integration. Households must groom kids who see through colours and treat everyone as equals. In fact, if we cant achieve it with the current generation, do it with the next. As the fortunate ones, pass the word to the illiterate and inaccessible ones.
Malaysians talk about 'change', and it have been the 'IN'-word since the last elections. But have we actually ponder that 'change' is not reflected solely through the casting of ballots or the government of the day. It is about a wholesome and structural change of the entire society. It is about the breaking down of racial and religious barriers, as well as political divides. It is after all, all about RACIAL UNITY.
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